Thus the ancient conception, in which man always appears as the aim of production, seems very much more exalted than the modern world, in which production is the aim of man and wealth the aim of production.

Karl Marx, Pre-Capitalist Economic Formations

Industrial Mining, hitherto seen as a prospective employment haven, brings images of the poor and the meek flocking to its sites for cash jobs. While the ground realities have changed drastically (mechanisation and now automation are replacing labour), the imagery that mines equal jobs remains a mindset not only for many of us, but particularly for those seeking employment and livelihood. The change in ground realities have sharpened contradictions between different sections of society; those who make a livelihood in the mining sector and those whose livelihoods are being taken away due to mining.

Apart from the innumerable contradictions that the industry spawns, free market economics have added its own. The abscess is festering. Livelihood for all sections of society is under threat and needs to be addressed. Lack of clarity is working to the advantage of the Industry.

Apparent Contradictions

There is need for debate and dialogue between all the sectors seeking or protecting their livelihoods. What is also important is to highlight the serious lacunae in the political development of mining community groups. Those affected by mining are largely the adivasi and dalit communities. The issues they raise go beyond employment and livelihood. It is perennial that these issues are included in the debate.

A space has to be created for a firm and lasting alliance in their common struggle against the policies and practices of the State, the industry and the corporations. Given the present world demand for minerals, the position of advantage can with a collective effort, move to communities and labour affected by mining (CLAIM).


Advantage Industry

The mineral industry is bullish. It has moved from the El Dorado syndrome to corporation, to conglomerations, and oligarchies. India is the last country dismantling its public sector control over minerals. Demand had grown 15 per cent in the past year. Those fascinated by the Information Technology boom are probably missing the point that extractive industry stock value has zoomed (post-9/11). Finance capital that is now an industry in itself is growing because of speculation in the extractive industry.

Minerals are a vital component of capital growth. However, the ugly images of mining are an embarrassment to the ‘clean’ image that capitalism would like to prides itself on. Besides this, the hidden side of their human rights records has popped up as another embarrassment for the ‘civilised’ world. Indigenous communities all over the World are zeroing down on these Corporations as their prime enemy. The top Mining Corporations in the World are saddled in human right violation cases in the courts of UK, USA, Canada, and Australia. Hence, (post Rio & Johannesburg) face saving measures (MMSD).in the form of, ‘policies upgrade’ and ‘code of conducts’, are being unilaterally taken.

The Industry and International Financial Institutions (IFI) are symbiotic. Together they are dictating policies, conditionalities undermining National sovereignty. The fallout has affected labour rights. Decades of achievements of the working class, stand compromised.

Added to this development is the realisation of civil society (after 150 yrs of plunder) that most of the minerals are on Indigenous homelands. Their practice and behaviour have been so uncivil, that there is growing resistance and even rebellion, making access to resources difficult.

In such a scenario, mindsets and imageries formed over time dominate. When attacking the Industry, labour is perceived as being pro-Industry. When Indigenous communities demand their rights, they are perceived as being anti-labour.



Rights and Wrongs

Community groups affected by mining are varied. They are issue based i.e. land rights, displacement & rehabilitation, gender, ethnic, caste, self-help, pollution, health, labour protection, awareness etc. and focus on the question of justice, particularly social justice (Rights Groups). Their motivation comes from their proximity with the affected community. Their impact and outlook can be gauged on a wide scale.

They are products of the rapid expansion of civil society generated by the ‘liberalism’ of Globalisation. Invariable, there is a domination of the neo-liberal environment position and hence when juxtaposed with the issues of ecology and sustainability, that the Rights Groups raise, gets confused. The idiom, terminology and cross-linkages within, are so seamlessly managed, that the CEO of Shell Int. appears more Indigenous than Big Chief Crow. Hence, they are struggling with the dilemma of knowing the difference.

Added to this confusion is a serious deficiency. They seem insulated from history, giving them an aura of complacency. The absence of history, especially revolutionary and working class history makes them more a product of free market economics, rather than a counter acting force. Correlated, the market today not only tolerates dissent, but also funds it to showpiece the ‘civilised’ world.

Having said this, these rights based groups have certainly advanced the struggle of the oppressed, brought issues considered periphery to the centre, exposed the designs of the developed world, mobilised and organised the masses and added value to their awareness and knowledge. As civil society bodies, this is indeed some achievement and should be acknowledged.

The experience of the mining community groups in Jharkhand (working under the banner of Jharkhand Mines Area Coordination Committee or JMAC) has been a positive one. Mining earlier viewed as a domain between, worker v/s management, is now a contested ground between the community/society v/s industry. The inclusion of other sections has strengthened them.

‘Displacement/rehabilitation’ was their earlier sphere of activity (a majority being on adivasi lands). They are now moving not only towards identifying industry, but also towards a demand for ‘ownership rights to minerals’ (JMAC), not just stakeholders. They have succeeded in bringing their agenda into the National and International arena.

However, any further advancement on the present path will prove counterproductive. The lack of a historical perspective, in order to understand the dialectics of history and position themselves, is a serious lacuna that they have to address. Being undeveloped ideologically and politically, may not be their fault, what is however, is the absence of a political thought process. Wearing a Che beret and not understanding Imperialism, is nothing but bigotry.

Those Rights Groups working with some of the most exploited and deprived sections of society need to place their activities in a historical perspective. This can only be realised by a clear understanding and critique of revolutionary and working class history, the present development paradigm and the dynamics of capitalism & imperialism. Understanding the dialectics of history is a vital component to forge alliances and move ahead. The absence of it, can only take them back wards.

The significance of the adivasis and dalits groups has been underestimated. Despite being victims of this development model, they have been the single biggest contributor to the growth of capital in India. For the past 150 years, their lands and ancestral domain are being consistently usurped, with no compensation. Their livelihood sources stand destroyed, reducing them to a coolie proletariat or into the reserve army of unemployed. This fact needs to be acknowledged and reparation done.

This broadening of perception has enhanced the strategic potential of the rights groups. What is interesting to note is that in some way the tables have turned. Earlier, labour associations were perceived as a pact against the interests of communities, especially ethnic interests, and today Rights Groups are being seen in a pact against the interest of labour.

Both the above threats perceptions seem prejudiced, and need urgent clarification to set the tide on a correct path.

Both groups i.e. Rights Groups as well as Labour Associations have to broaden their perspectives, so that it includes other classes of society, for a broad. strategic partnership. If materialised this step will be a turning point and its impact can only be imagined.

Labour, Rights, Livelihood

On the other hand, labour rights associations, trade unions, besides their internal contradictions (unorganised/organised, autonomy, etc) have generally insulated themselves from the problems and issues of the community. The legacy of a dogmatic understanding of vanguardism ‘social movements as diversions, that will delay the emergence of socialism’ (Kausky), hangs large even today. While labour associations no longer hold this position, the change has to be seen by their participation in a debate and dialogue. Therefore a critical assessment of the trade union movement has also to be done. The rich experience of the workers movement has got to be shared with the rights groups.

In spite of being less developed ideologically and politically in comparison with the workers movements, these Rights Groups (even when reactionary classes may control their leadership) performs an objectively revolutionary role, as they counter exploitation,

There is a fundamental contradiction between the adivasi philosophy, economy, way of life, and Capitalism. Adivasis and dalits, heavily influenced by their pre-capitalist views of the economy; having a first hand experience with the process of proletariation and commoditisation of their labour and resources; are a vital force to align with.

The masses in India retain a revolutionary posture, merits for this goes to the working class history of this country, Zindabad, Punjipati, Ekta, Kranti, Lal Salam, Lad Ke Lega etc are their slogans even today. Where radical intellectuals have given up, the masses retained hope, their revolutionary zeal is still alive, or, may be they cannot afford to otherwise..


We peasants, artisans, and others

Enrolled among the sons of toil

Let’s claim the earth henceforth for brothers,

Drive the indolent from the soil!

On our flesh too long has fed the raven,

We’ve too long been the vulture’s prey.

But now farewell the spirit craven,

The dawn brings in a brighter day!

(From an English translation of Eugene Potier’s ‘L’Internationale’).