The imperialist policies implemented in the name of globalisation over the last decade has been so disastrous for labour that there is not a single section within the working class that today speaks positively about its impact. In India, even the most reactionary unions have been forced to at least take a stance of publicly opposing such moves, whatever their actual practise at the ground level.

Given this virtual unanimity about the harmful effects of globalisation, the central question facing the activists, unions, other working class organisations and political parties is not whether to fight globalisation, nor even how to convince the wavering sections, but the concrete steps to practically advance the movement, while building the broadest possible resistance to the current onslaught. This is not just an abstract question, because for the working class in India and a number of other countries across the globe the fightback has already begun.

Thus the touchstone by which we should evaluate the World Social Forum is, what real steps does it offer to deepen this struggle and advance global unity, what are its views regarding the methods of mobilisation and resistance, and how does it identify real friends and allies and correctly target the enemy.

A Talk Shop

The WSF organises huge global gatherings entirely for debate. Discussion in itself cannot be faulted, but in the case of the WSF the debate has a very hazy beginning, an unclear focus and practically no end. Clearly, it is not about promoting concrete action, not even about seeing debate as a tool to broaden collective action and build a united opposition to imperialism, leave alone strengthening and sharpening the current onslaught on the workers.

Obscuring Class

While the terms new social movements and civil society used as basic concepts by the WSF may be very popular among intellectuals, do they really reflect the reality of the working class struggle? The society is divided into classes, and unequal and even antagonistic classes at that. Some are oppressors and others are oppressed. In no field is this class differentiation so clear as in the case of industrial labour, which day after day finds itself ranged against the bosses within the factories as well as against the State which defends the bosses in times of conflict. Low wages and maximum profit are two sides of the coin, so the workers and bosses will always be in conflict, even over basic issues like a regular rise in wages.

The concept of ‘civil society’ seeks to erase the deep class divisions that exist not by uniting the exploited classes against the exploiting classes, but by seeking to build unity between the two on the false premise that the exploiting classes can be reformed. The WSF agenda is quite detrimental to the working class and their independent class actions.

Reforming the System

The working class is constantly battling for changes within the system that will defend its rights and improve working conditions. But at the same time, the working class has to seek emancipation by questioning the very system by which they are forced to sell their labour power to the capitalist class, and establish unity with the other oppressed sections to bring an end to the entire system of exploitation. The WSF in no way helps such a consciousness to develop.

Can Globalisation be Democratised?

Globalisation is another name for a process through which the imperialists, their multinationals, and even the smaller bosses who are aligned with them seek the cheapest and most profitable way to manufacture their products and maximise profits. Contractualisation and sub-contractualisation, fragmentation of the work process, shifting of production to low wage islands and the setting up of special economic zones are some of the many components of this process. Further, in the name of reforming the labour laws as part of the New Economic Policies, a brutal attack has been launched on the rights of the working class that have been won through many years of struggle.

Can such an inhumane attack ever be ‘humanised’? The WSF avoids taking a clear position, while many of its leading organisations misleadingly propagate that this can be done. This provides a wrong perspective to the struggle against globalisation. The WSF Charter does not recognize that globalisation is a euphemism for imperialist plunder, which has to be smashed and not reformed.

Building Bridges

The leaders of the WSF (whether consciously or unconsciously) not only talk about giving ‘globalisation a human face’, they also strive for a dialogue and debate with the leaders of the capitalist system. The dominant forces in the WSF are content with “building bridges” and “dialogue” rather than challenging the basic premises on which the imperialist/capitalist system is founded.

Nature of the Constituents

The WSF brings within its fold a large number of NGOs, who are tied to sections within the imperialist system itself. This may be in the form of ties with foundations established by large corporates, or through funding agencies of imperialist governments. Another important section of the organisers of the WSF is those parties that claim to be working against imperialism in the interests of the working class. Yet, if one studies their actual practise in areas where they have come to power, it is clear that their policies are no different from that of other bourgeois parties when it comes to the attack on the rights of workers and peasants while implementing the globalisation programme.

Funding of WSF

The WSF makes no secret of the fact that it accepts both corporate funding as well as donations from many governments in Europe and the Third World. Such NGOs are often propped up by the imperialists to implement their own agenda, and in any case it is not possible for those whose activities are funded by corporates and anti-worker governments to ever faithfully represent the interests of the working class. It is ironical that the present French government, which is engaged in a full-fledged attack against workers’ rights especially their pensions and health-protection system, is also funding the European Social Forum.

Against Militancy

The WSF frowns at all forms of armed resistance and is, therefore, against most militant forms of resistance to the current imperialist onslaught. This in effect rejects the important role that this form of struggle has played in the opposition to imperialism across the globe, and offers no solution to the people who are victims of direct imperialist aggression.

What the Imperialists Want

Ironically, if seen as a whole the building of a mass platform like the WSF, which has all the flaws outlined above, fits perfectly with one aspect of the strategy adopted by the imperialists to deal with the current opposition to their policies. While on the one hand, the naked aggression by the US on Afghanistan and Iraq is one type of response, the imperialists have also tried to co-opt some sections of the opposition.

The World Bank, in its 2000-01 World Development Report, explicitly states, “Social tensions and divisions can be eased by bringing political opponents together within the framework of formal and informal forums and by channeling their energies through political processes, rather than leaving confrontation as the only form of release.” Another 2003 document entitled ‘Issues and Options for Improving Engagement Between the World Bank and Civil Society Organizations’ outlines one of the tasks before the Bank as, “Develop and implement a Bank-wide strategy for reaching out more widely and systematically to civil society constituencies … whom the Bank has not engaged as proactively in the past. In some cases, this may require exploring neutral spaces where views can be exchanged and trust-building can occur…”

Could the WSF not be counted as one such ‘neutral space’ where ‘trust building can occur’?